Perlantikan Anwar Ibrahim sebagai PPN Sabah dan Sarawak

>> Friday, December 26, 2008

Datuk Sri Anwar

Parti Keadilan Rakyat pada 18 Disember lalu telah memutuskan untuk merombak serta melantik barisan pimpinan Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri yang baru. Keputusan tersebut dicapai oleh Ahli Majlis Pimpinan Tertinggi selepas bermesyuarat di Ibu Pejabat Parti Keadilan Rakyat. Rombakan serta lantikan ini bertujuan memacu serta memperhebatkan jentera parti bagi memastikan agenda perubahan dapat dilaksanakan.Majlis Pimpinan Tertinggi juga secara sebulat suara memutuskan untuk melantik Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim sebagai Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri bagi negeri Sabah dan Sarawak.
Keputusan tersebut dicapai setelah mempertimbangkan sokongan serta sambutan rakyat kedua-dua negeri tersebut yang kini semakin nyata terhadap PKR, terutamanya selepas keputusan Pilihanraya Umum ke-12 dan pembentukan gagasan Pakatan Rakyat. Menyedari bahawa kebajikan rakyat negeri Sabah dan Sarawak telah lama diabaikan oleh kerajaan Barisan Nasional, pemilihan Dato' Seri Anwar sebagai Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri adalah tepat bagi memastikan berlakunya perubahan mendasar serta menunjukkan komitmen tuntas PKR di dalam memperjuangkan agenda rakyat keseluruhannya;

Dari Perlis hingga ke Sabah dan Sarawak.Agenda untuk melakukan perubahan di Sabah dan Sarawak memerlukan dokongan dan sokongan dari segenap lapisan masyarakat. Manakala Sarawak dijangka akan mengadakan pilihanraya negerinya dalam masa terdekat, perlantikan Dato Seri Anwar sebagai Pengerusi Perhubungan kedua-dua negeri tersebut menjustifikasikan keprihatianan kami terhadap permasalahan di sana serta amat signifikan dalam transisi peralihan kuasa Pakatan Rakyat ke Putrajaya.

Kami percaya mereka yang terpilih untuk menjawat jawatan-jawatan tersebut akan memikul amanah sedaya mungkin dan seterusnya menjalankan tugas dengan rasa penuh tanggungjawab. Tahniah kami ucapkan di atas perlantikan saudara/i sekalian.Saya selaku Presiden Parti Keadilan Rakyat ingin mengambil kesempatan ini untuk mengucapkan terima kasih kepada mantan Pengerusi-Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri yang telah pun menjalankan tugas dengan penuh dedikasi. Jasa mereka pasti dikenang dan tidak akan dilupakan. Bersama ini adalah nama-nama Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri selepas Mesyuarat Majlis Pimpinan Tertinggi yang diadakan pada 18 Disember:

1. Pahang - Dato' Fauzi Abd Rahman
2. Pulau Pinang - YB Dato' Zahrain Mohamed Hashim
3. Negeri Sembilan - YB Dato' Kamarul Baharin Abbas
4. Selangor/Wilayah Persekutuan - YB Tan Sri Dato' Abd Khalid bin Ibrahim
5. Sabah/Sarawak - YB Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim
6. Kedah - YB Tuan Haji Ahmad bin Kassim
7. Kelantan - YB Ab Aziz Ab Kadir
8. Perlis - Johari bin Shafie
9. Melaka - Khalid Jaafar
10. Johor - Dr. Zaliha Mustaffa
11. Perak - Osman Abdul Rahman
12. Terengganu - Wan Rahim bin Wan Hamzah
Parti Keadilan Rakyat
Posted by admin
Thursday, 25 December 2008 23:27


Rahim perlu satu lagi

Ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO, Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Thamby Chik yang menawarkan diri untuk bertanding jawatan Naib Presiden UMNO, perlu satu lagi pencalonan apabila UMNO Bahagian Tenom yang bersidang Ahad malam mencalonkan beliau bagi jawatan berkenaan. Dua lagi UMNO Bahagian yang belum mengadakan persidangan ialah Larut dan Seremban.

UMNO Bahagian Tenom turut mencalonkan Datuk Seri Hishamuddin Tun Hussein dan Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar bagi jawatan naib manakala Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin bagi jawatan Timbalan Presiden. Manakala Datuk Seri Mohd Najib Tun Razak mendapat pencalonan ke-158 bagi jawatan Presiden dari Bahagian berkenaan.
Walau bagaimanapun, Akikalawon; mendoakan agar Y.B Datuk Shafie Afdal berjaya menambat hati daripada warga perwakilan.


Year of the ox, 2009

>> Thursday, December 25, 2008

Economic woes and key anniversaries portend trouble.

FOR China’s leaders, a perfect storm is brewing. Economic growth, which has helped keep the Communist Party in power, is faltering. The new middle class, hitherto a pillar of the party’s support, is plunging into despondency. The coming months are studded with politically sensitive anniversaries that will focus disaffected minds on the party’s shortcomings. Having endured a year of natural disasters, riots and the organisational nightmare of hosting the Olympics, the party sees little salve ahead.

Of all the huge uncertainties that plague attempts to predict the progress of the global financial crisis, two in particular hang over China. One is the resilience of its political structure to stress of this kind. During the last several years of economic health, it has been hard to imagine anything that could dislodge the party. David Shambaugh of George Washington University, in a book published this year entitled “China’s Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation”, said the party had its problems and challenges, “but none present the real possibility of systemic collapse”.
APA better year behind than ahead?

Those challenges, however, are now mounting rapidly. The head of the IMF, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, has predicted GDP growth could fall to as low as 5-6% next year, half the rate of 2007 and far lower than anyone would have thought possible just a few months ago.

The other big uncertainty is how Chinese consumers will respond to the crisis. Chinese journalists say the state-controlled media were at first instructed to avoid stories even suggesting China might be affected. Then as the impact became increasingly obvious, with exports in November falling 2.2% year-on-year (the first such drop in seven years) and growing reports of factory closures and worker unrest, the orders changed. Now the media can acknowledge the impact, but are not to play it up. Keeping the middle class happy and willing to spend is as vital now in China as it is in any economy. But given China’s rudimentary social-security system and strong tendency to save even at the best of times, this could be particularly difficult.

Among the most challenging periods for the leadership in 2009 will be a number of dates already ringed in their calendars. The Chinese new year on January 26th—but effectively spanning several days on either side of that date—is one of them. Migrant workers with nothing to do as their labour-intensive factories making products for Western markets turn idle are already beginning to drift back to their villages for the holiday. Growing numbers will find their pockets empty as cash-starved employers hold back wages. Some will likely stage angry protests. After the festival, millions will return to the cities and many will find no jobs waiting. Frustrations will mount.

Early March will see attention focused on opposite ends of the country: Tibet and Beijing. The resentment that exploded in Lhasa on March 14th 2008 and spread rapidly across the vast Himalayan plateau has by no means subsided. March 10th 2009 is the fiftieth anniversary of the Tibetan uprising that prompted the Dalai Lama to flee to India.

The significance of this date will make this period even more potentially unstable in 2009 than it was in 2008. The authorities will maintain intense security across Tibet and neighbouring areas. Any miscalculation could readily produce the same kind of disapproving Western reaction and Chinese nationalist counter-reaction that for a while this year cast a dark shadow over China’s diplomacy.

Also in March, China’s parliament will hold its annual session in Beijing. These two-week events are normally rubber-stamp affairs, but this year economic woes are likely to fuel lively debate inside and outside the meeting rooms of the Great Hall of the People.

Then comes June 4th, the 20th anniversary of the bloody suppression of the Tiananmen Square protests. Many younger Chinese express indifference to this episode, but older activists will still try to commemorate it. An inkling of their organisational ability was given this month with the release of Charter 08, a document signed by some 300 intellectuals calling for sweeping political reform.

July 22nd is the 10th anniversary of the banning of Falun Gong, a quasi-Buddhist sect. The government has crushed Falun Gong with more persistent and ruthless determination even than political opposition movements (before 1999 Falun Gong had no discernible political views, but its members abroad are now virulently anti-party). The clampdown makes it extremely difficult to gauge the sect’s continuing support in China, but the anniversary will be a test of it.

The authorities will try to put on a celebratory face for the 60th anniversary on October 1st of the communist nation’s founding. It might even stage a military parade through central Beijing (as it did for the 50th and 35th anniversaries). If so, expect more repression, particularly of Tibetans and Muslim Uighurs from the far west of China, whom the authorities see as the most likely groups to try to spoil the party.

Optimists see some hope for the government amid this relentless series of potential flashpoints. It will be spending massively on infrastructure projects, and cutting taxes and interest rates to keep growth up. The World Bank’s president, Robert Zoellick, says China’s response to the Asian financial crisis in 1998 “built the basis for future growth”. It spent lavishly on infrastructure (particularly expressways) and weathered the crisis without any regime-threatening instability (although the middle class was then far smaller).

This time, says Mr Zoellick, China’s stimulus package also features measures to encourage consumers, including more spending on social services. The World Bank’s prediction is for 7.5% growth. Several others say it could be around 8%—the level that officials often say is needed to keep employment stable.

But if the optimists are wrong, China could be in for a bumpy ride. History suggests that periods of social turbulence in China are often accompanied by tensions with the West. Trade friction could exacerbate such problems if countries engage in tit-for-tat protectionism in misguided efforts to protect their industries. Chinese officials repeatedly stress the need to keep markets open, but some officials might still be tempted to devalue the currency in the hope of boosting exports (America wants China’s currency to move in the opposite direction). China’s President Hu Jintao and the prime minister Wen Jiabao are experiencing their most trying times since they came to power more than five years ago. More than ever, stability will be their top priority.

Dec 22nd 2008From


Kerajaan prihatin Sabah, Sarawak

>> Sunday, December 14, 2008

Tan Sri Muhd. Taib.

Kecilkan jurang dengan Semenanjung PORT DICKSON:
Kesediaan kerajaan memperuntukkan belanjawan besar bagi membina kemudahan dan infrastruktur di luar bandar, termasuk Sabah dan Sarawak dalam pembentangan Bajet 2009, kelmarin membuktikan keprihatinan kerajaan dalam mensejahterakan penduduk di kawasan berkenaan. Menteri Kemajuan Luar Bandar dan Wilayah, Tan Sri Muhammad Muhd Taib, berkata walaupun sesetengah kawasan terutama di Sabah dan Sarawak didapati tidak begitu praktikal bagi membina kemudahan jalan raya, membekalkan bekalan elektrik dan air bersih kerana bilangan penduduknya tidak ramai tetapi kerajaan tetap menyediakannya bagi memastikan mereka turut menikmati kemudahan itu.

"Kementerian memberi jaminan akan memastikan peruntukan RM8.1 bilion itu digunakan sebaik mungkin terutama dalam usaha kita mengecilkan jurang kemudahan yang diterima penduduk Sabah dan Sarawak dengan Semenanjung," katanya. Beliau berkata demikian selepas Merasmikan Seminar Pemaju Masyarakat Pekebun Kecil (PMPK) dan Pelancaran Tahun Produktiviti 2008 di Glory Beach Resort, dekat sini semalam. Dalam pembentangan Bajet 2009 kelmarin, Kementerian Kemajuan Luar Bandar dan Wilayah menjadi antara kementerian yang menerima peruntukan terbesar iaitu sebanyak RM8.1 bilion, membabitkan RM3 bilion kepada Sabah, RM3.3 bilion (Sarawak) dan RM1.8 bilion (Semenanjung).

Peruntukan besar itu akan digunakan bagi menyediakan kemudahan asas terutama membina jalan raya lebih baik, membekalkan bekalan elektrik dan air bersih kepada penduduk luar bandar yang masih belum menikmati kemudahan asas itu. Sementara itu, Muhammad berkata, kerajaan di bawah kajian semula Rancangan Malaysia Kesembilan (RMK-9), bersetuju supaya Risda melaksanakan program tanaman semula sawit ke sawit (TSSS) mulai 1 Januari 2009 bagi kebun sawit kurang daripada 2.5 hektar.

Petikan Berita Harian;

Oleh Hussain Said


Berita gembira buat 77,600 pesara

>> Saturday, December 13, 2008

Pak Lah

KUALA LUMPUR: Pemberian pencen tidak kurang daripada RM720 sebulan pada 1 Januari depan kepada pesara kerajaan yang telah berkhidmat sekurang-kurangnya 25 tahun, disambut gembira 77,600 pesara kerajaan di seluruh negara. Presiden Persatuan Pesara Kerajaan Malaysia, Datuk Paduka Raja Wan Mahmood Pawanteh, berkata keprihatinan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi mengenai nasib pesara walaupun tidak lagi berkhidmat dengan kerajaan, amat dihargai. “Sebelum ini, ramai pesara hidup di bawah paras kemiskinan. Yang lebih teruk, kita ada seramai 1,125 orang pesara yang mendapat pencen di bawah RM285 sebulan. Jadi, bayangkan apa yang boleh dilakukan dengan jumlah pencen sebanyak itu, nak bayar rumah pun tak lepas,” katanya ketika dihubungi bagi mengulas Bajet 2009 yang dibentangkan Abdullah di Parlimen hari ini.

Wan Mahmood berkata mengikut statistik, jumlah pendapatan yang kurang daripada RM569 di Semenanjung Malaysia dikategorikan sebagai di bawah paras kemiskinan manakala bagi Sarawak pula, kurang daripada RM650 dan Sabah, RM680. Berdasarkan perangkaan itu, jumlah pesara yang termasuk dalam kategori di bawah paras kemiskinan ialah 70,000 orang. “Oleh itu, dengan kenaikan jumlah pencen itu, ia diharap dapat memberikan sedikit kelegaan kepada pesara. Kita ucap terima kasihlah kepada Perdana Menteri kerana mendengar rintihan kami yang pernah mencurah bakti untuk membangunkan negara suatu masa dulu,” katanya.

Sementara itu, Yang Dipertua Persatuan Pesara Kerajaan Malaysia Bahagian Kelantan, Hashim Bani Abdul Hamid berkata kenaikan itu adalah berita gembira kepada kira-kira 10,000 pesara kerajaan yang hidup di bawah paras kemiskinan di seluruh Kelantan. “Syukurlah, saya merasa amat bangga dan gembira kerana kita mempunyai seorang Perdana Menteri yang prihatin terhadap nasib semua golongan, sekurang-kurangnya terlepaslah mereka daripada garis kemiskinan,” katanya. Timbalan Yang Dipertua Persatuan Pesara Kerajaan Malaysia Bahagian Wilayah Persekutuan Kuala Lumpur, Nik Mohd Kamil Nik Daud berkata di ibu negara juga sebelum ini terdapat pesara menerima jumlah pencen terlalu rendah dan menghadapi kesukaran menampung perbelanjaan seharian. “Mereka ini ada yang terima pencen antara RM200 dan RM300. Dengan jumlah yang sedikit itu tentu tidak mampu menampung kos sara hidup di bandar raya, kita sangat hargai pemberian ini,” katanya. - Bernama


Next year will be little better than this one for investment bankers. Their long-term future is none too bright either

>> Friday, December 12, 2008

Investment banking
Wall Street's annus horribilis

IT IS scant consolation to the thousands who have lost their jobs in finance, but the next generation wants to be better prepared. Some 200,000 students have signed up to play “Wall Street Survivor”, an online stockmarket-simulation game.

Investment bankers are also focused on survival, but in the real world. Of Wall Street’s five big securities firms, only Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley remain. After an infusion of government capital they have become banks and are now trying to work out how—even whether—they will make money again.

Since Lehman Brothers went bust three months ago, almost every asset class has been hammered. Even Goldman, once considered invincible, is likely to report a heavy fourth-quarter loss on December 16th. Underlining the depth of the malaise, Lehman is hawking its French investment-banking unit for a princely €1 ($1.30).

Many of those left on Wall Street are underemployed. In the worst global economic slowdown for a generation, capital-market activity has contracted sharply (see chart). The volume of initial public offerings has fallen by more than half since last year. Debt markets would be moribund, were it not for government-guaranteed issuance. The net revenues of the 12 firms in the Boston Consulting Group’s investment-banking index tumbled to $6.2 billion in the third quarter, from $27.1 billion a year earlier. There is still money to be made trading currencies, interest-rate products, equity derivatives (popular when markets are volatile) and corporate restructuring. But this is relatively thin gruel compared with the recent past.

No wonder market greybeards, including Alan “Ace” Greenberg, a former boss of Bear Stearns, have been queuing up to pronounce the old Wall Street dead. But what will take its place? Morgan and Goldman appear to disagree about the answer.

Convinced that the era of big, highly geared bets is over, Morgan has shrunk its balance-sheet from $1.3 trillion to a shade over $750 billion. It expects to earn a return on equity of three to five percentage points less as a result of lower leverage. Retail banking, once mocked as deathly dull at the white-shoe firm, will become its “fourth leg”. Having come so close to failing, Morgan is going all out to win back clients who fled. It says most have returned.

This marks a stunning about-turn for John Mack, Morgan’s chief executive, who must feel a bit like the Grand Old Duke of York. On returning to run the firm in 2005, after the ejection of the risk-averse Philip Purcell, he declared that it was under-leveraged and needed to push into mortgages, proprietary trading and private equity. These businesses are now being dramatically “reshaped”, ie, shrunk.

Goldman, in contrast, seems determined to hold on to its risk-taking culture. Lloyd Blankfein, its chief executive, insisted recently that this year’s trauma need not alter Goldman’s “core”, a key part of which is trading with its own capital. Unlike Morgan, Goldman is not rushing into high-street banking, though it plans to set up an internet bank to help gather deposits. Goldman believes it can continue to punt its own money as long as its risk management remains strong.

Mr Blankfein rejects the idea that lower leverage will reduce profits, arguing that other factors, such as market share, are more important. Goldman has not changed its goal of a 20% return on equity over the cycle. But Brad Hintz, of Alliance Bernstein, thinks the bank may have to make do with eight to nine percentage points less as bets with borrowed money become less acceptable. “Gravity affects everyone, even Goldman,” he says.

Goldman could make up for some of this lost revenue in less capital-intensive businesses, such as asset management. There are fresh opportunities, too, such as distressed debt—a field in which Goldman excelled after the last bust. But it is more crowded this time.

Moreover, regulators and politicians are likely to impose restrictions. The investment banks’ new overseer, the Federal Reserve, has so far imposed few extra shackles. Barack Obama’s economic team understands the dangers of over-regulation. But members such as Paul Volcker, a former Fed chairman, want to see a balance struck between financial innovation and economic stability.

Congressional views are less nuanced. This week Morgan and Merrill Lynch, sensing the political winds, said their senior executives would forgo bonuses for 2008; John Thain, Merrill’s boss, had asked for up to $10m after steering the bank to safety in a merger with Bank of America (BofA). Banks are also tightening “clawback” provisions, which require those whose trades cause subsequent losses to pay back all or part of their bonuses. This robs Wall Street of one of its biggest attractions. Traders may head for less well-known boutiques in order to avoid scrutiny.
Another turn-off is the legal trouble that the big firms will face next year. The wave of litigation over dodgy debt instruments is still swelling. In collateralised-debt obligations alone, Merrill and BofA face estimated settlement costs of up to $5 billion. Dealing with such cases can prove a huge distraction, as Citigroup discovered after the dotcom collapse.

There are a few grounds for optimism. The loss of Lehman and Bear, and the retrenchment of wannabes such as UBS, has cut out a lot of competition (though new rivals are emerging, such as Barclays Capital). And since they mark all their assets to market, Morgan and Goldman may have felt the worst of their pain. For commercial banks, by contrast, the deepening recession will bring more credit losses. Meanwhile, those that have bought investment banks are not all finding it easy to meld the cultures. “Let’s wait until 2010 before declaring the universal-bank model victorious,” says a Wall Street executive.

It is, indeed, hard to look ahead anywhere with much optimism. When business does come back it will be only at the level of five years ago, believes another senior investment banker. Revenue from credit derivatives will fall as they gravitate towards exchanges, eroding spreads for dealers. Large parts of structured finance are dead. America’s government is working hard to revive markets for securitised debt, aware that banks lack the balance-sheet capacity to absorb all of those credit-card receivables and auto loans. But a return to past glories looks far-fetched.

The biggest fear on Wall Street is that finance, which accounted for a staggering 40% of corporate profits at the height of the credit bubble, faces decades of relative decline. The survivors will get the spoils, but the booty looks unappealing. It could be a long time before online-game developers start work on “Wall Street Thriver”.
Dec 11th 2008 NEW YORK From The Economist print edition
Illustration by; S. Kambayashi.


Rizalman lodges report over possible assault

>> Tuesday, December 9, 2008

Tenom: Umno Tenom chief Datuk Rizalman Abdullah has lodged a police report alleging that one of his political enemies had hired someone to beat him up.

According to him, he was having a drink with friends at a hotel in Kota Kinabalu when he saw an acquaintance from Libaran, Sandakan, entering the premise at 2.30pm on the said day. He said just as he was leaving the hotel, his friend from Libaran came over and told him that a certain "Datuk" had allegedly requested him to look for thugs to beat him up. At this juncture, Rizalman said he asked whether he was willing to make a police report, to which his friend readily agreed.

He then brought him to the police station in Karamunsing to make the report.
"I made the police report so that police can carry out an investigation and take action," he said. His friend, in his statement, said a Datuk stopped him in front of a hotel at Jalan Gaya at 8.45pm on Dec. 6.

He claimed that the Datuk offered him RM5,000 if he agreed to beat up Rizalman. He further claimed that the Datuk gave him an "advance payment" of RM300. However, he did not carry out the instruction by the Datuk but informed Rizalman of the alleged plan when he met the latter at the hotel the following day. "I made the report as a reminder that should Rizalman be beaten up by people I do not want to be blamed," he said.

Meanwhile, Rizalman said he lodged a report with the Anti Corruption Agency (ACA) on Dec. 5 that a party leader had allegedly prevented more than 100 delegates from attending the Tenom Umno delegates meeting scheduled for Dec. 6 by bringing them to Kota Kinabalu and Tuaran, instead. He claimed he has proof that the delegates were coerced and sweet-talked to abandon the party meeting.

Tenom Umno had yet to convene its annual delegates meeting due to some glitches. On the eve of Hari Raya Aidilfitri, Rizalman had announced that there would be no contest for the posts of division chief, deputy chief and vice chief. However, contrary to Rizalman's claim, division leaders said they had received nominations to contest.
Daily Express: 09/12/2008.


Datuk Rizalman Abdullah Tangguhkan Mesyuarat Bahagian Umno Tenom Ke 20Hb. Dis, 2008.

>> Saturday, December 6, 2008

Datuk Rizalman Abdullah
Ketua Bahagian Umno Tenom, Datuk Rizalman Abdullah, sekali lagi menangguhkan Mesyuarat Perwakilan Cawangan Bahagian Tenom ke 20hb, Dis. 2008, yang sepatutnya akan berlangsung pada hari ini 6hb, Dis. 2008. Tegas beliau, ini adalah ekoran daripada berlakunya aktiviti yang tidak sihat serta dikutuk dalam perlembagaan UMNO kerana ianya melibatkan politik wang, dikalangan pihak pencabarnya; Y.B Datuk Rubin Balang dan barisan kroninya.
Seramai 171 orang perwakilan telah dikumpul dan disorok ke beberapa hotel 5 bintang seperti Tang Dynasti Hotel, Hotel Promenade di Kota Kinabalu dan Hotel Impian Jadi Tuaran, sejak, 2Hb, Dis. hingga 5hb, Dis. 2008, jesteru itu Ketua Bahagian Umno Tenom memutuskan serta dengan sebulat suara daripada AJK bahagian untuk menangguhkan Mesyuarat.

Datuk Rizalman Abdullah meminta agar Ahli Jawatankuasa Disiplin Umno pusat turun padang untuk membuat siasatan dengan lebih lanjut sebelum mesyuarat diadakan pada 20Hb, Dis. akan datang. Tindakan yang sewajarnya harus dijalankan berdasarkan kod etika dan perlambagaan parti Umno, seandainya didapati bersalah.

Pada hari yang sama, Ketua Penerangan Umno Bahagian telahpun membuat lapuran polis di pejabat polis daerah Tenom serta di ikuti dengan lapuran Datuk Rizalman sendiri ke pejabat BPR di Putera Jaya, Kota Kinabalu, untuk mohon siasatan dengan segera. Tegas beliau, saya tidak teragak-agak untuk membuat lapuran kepada pihak yang berwajib kerana saya mempunyai bukti-bukti yang kukuh termasuk beberapa orang antara yang disorok dan dikumpul datang mengadu kepada saya sekembalinya mereka daripada disorok, di Kota Kinabalu, serta bersedia memberi kerjasama jika diperlukan untuk membuat penjelasan daripada mana-mana pihak yang berwajib.

Selaku ahli parti Umno serta pemimpin Umno di peringkat bahagian, sepatutnya komited serta menghormati etika dan perlembagaan parti agar ianya dihormati oleh masyarakat dan penyokong umno, bukan menonjolkan pemimpin yang dihasilkan daripada produk rasuah serta menggunakan kekerasan dengan cara menyorok perwakilan. Sekali lagi Datuk Rizalman Abdullah merayu agar Ahli Jawatankuasa Disiplin Umno pusat serta pihak BPR menyiasat secara terperinci dan seterusnya membuat tindakan yang sewajarnya sebelum mesyuarat Perwakilan Bahagian akan dijalankan pada tarikh yang telah ditetapkan. Beliau percaya perbuatan yang amat memalukan ini akan diulangi oleh pihak pencabarnya pada mesyuarat akan datang seandainya tindakan disiplin tidak dijalankan terhadapnya.
Begitu juga dengan persidangan perwakilan Wanita Bahagian Umno Tenom, seharusnya Umno pusat harus menyiasat dan mengadakan persidangan semula kerana AJK perhubungan negeri telah mensahkan persidangan Wanita yang lalu, walaupun terdapat 7 undi lebih daripada jumlah perwakilan yang hadir. Kalau kes persidangan wanita Umno di Labuan dapat bersidang semula ekoran terdapat 1 undi lebih daripada jumlah perwakilan yang hadir maka tidak ada sebab mengapa persidangan Wanita Umno Tenom tidak dapat dijalankan semula.


Congratulations to Obama, from Malaysia-Today

>> Friday, December 5, 2008

Barack Obama

Posted by admin
Thursday, 06 November 2008 12:05

To President-elect Barack Obama of the United States of America
Your election to be the next President of the United States is a sweet victory for all who espouse change, fairness and equality. The reality of a you being a first term African-American senator being elected to the highest office in the nation, by her citizens representing all races and religious backgrounds, brings much hope and inspiration to all of us in Malaysia.

We Malaysians have been dulled into a sense of complacency for far too long by the propaganda that change is risky, that the time-tested Barisan Nasional leadership knows what is best for the people, and that 'Ketuanan Melayu' is the only way to go. Your message of “We are the change we seek” is equally fitting for us in Malaysia. May this historic moment be the catalyst to open our people's and politicians' eyes, that change is possible, that no barrier is too great if we so desire to transform this wonderful country of ours into a land that every Malaysian can truly call home .

When you said “"Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long “, the message resonates all too clear for us and we do hope that we in Malaysia can also rise above the racial and religious politics to ensure a safe place under the sun for every Malaysian, regardless of race, sex, and religion. We want to celebrate and value our own diversity, and where caring for each other overcomes distrust between one another

We congratulate you on your victory, and we hope that it will bring about positive changes for the world, and inspire all Malaysians to reclaim our rights to determine how we want our beloved nation to change and progress.

From: Marina and Raja Petra Kamarudin, and Malaysia-Today readers
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Pendapatan negara mungkin terjejas penurunan minyak: PM

>> Wednesday, December 3, 2008

Pak Lah


KUALA LUMPUR: Pendapatan negara mungkin akan terjejas sekiranya harga minyak dunia turun dengan mendadak berikutan krisis ekonomi global, kata Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. “Sekiranya harga minyak turun mendadak, pendapatan akan terjejas kerana peratusan pendapatan dari minyak adalah tinggi. "Jika pendapatan negara terjejas ia akan membawa kesan lain," katanya selepas mempengerusikan mesyuarat Majlis Tertinggi (MT) Umno, di sini, malam tadi.

Minyak adalah penyumbang terbesar kepada pendapatan negara. Beliau berkata ahli MT Umno juga telah diberi taklimat muktahir mengenai keadaan ekonomi Amerika Syarikat oleh Menteri Kewangan, Datuk Seri Najib Razak. Najib juga adalah Timbalan Perdana Menteri dan juga Timbalan Presiden Umno.

Harga minyak jatuh ke bawah paras AS$50 setong berikutan keputusan Pertubuhan Negara-negara Pengeksport Minyak (Opec) untuk melengahkan keputusan menurunkan kuota pengeluaran walaupun berpendapat bekalan melebihi permintaan di pasaran dunia sekarang.


Barack Obama has stacked his cabinet with clever economists

>> Tuesday, December 2, 2008


But can they work together? And what will they do?
WHEN The Economist asked academic economists in September which presidential candidate would pick the better economic team, a huge majority said Barack Obama. He has not disappointed them. The team he unveiled this past week is studded with stars of the profession.
Mr Obama’s policies may not be any more successful at combating the financial crisis and recession than those of George Bush. But it does seem safe to say that economics will play a bigger part in the formation of those policies. Three of the first four members of the team to be named are well-regarded PhD-holding economists and the fourth, Tim Geithner, the new treasury secretary, is a respected central banker (he heads the Federal Reserve Bank of New York). Only one of the four people they will replace shares a comparable background (see chart).
They are not just any economists but among the best.
“Their IQs are off the chart,” gushes a former colleague of some of them. Henry Kissinger supposedly once said every president should give Larry Summers an office in the White House. On November 24th Mr Obama did. As director of his National Economic Council (NEC), Mr Summers “will be by my side, playing the critical role of co-ordinating my administration’s economic policy”.

It is a striking contrast with the outgoing administration, in which economists never had much clout. Consider the Office of Management and Budget director, who as overseer of $3 trillion in federal spending plays a pivotal role in setting economic priorities. Mr Bush has had four: one was a pharmaceuticals executive, one did government relations for an investment bank, and two were congressmen. All four trained as lawyers. Mr Obama’s nominee, Peter Orszag, the outgoing director of the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office, is a professional economist known for such page-turners as “Saving Social Security”, a 300-page tome boasting 37 pages of footnotes and eight appendices. Whether Mr Orszag will be tough enough with the red pencil, however, is something that his track-record does not tell us.

The team’s other striking feature is its centrism. Mr Summers is on the conservative wing of Democratic economists. As Mr Clinton’s treasury secretary he backed the law that in 1999 tore down barriers between commercial and investment banks and still backs it despite recent criticism. Christina Romer, an economic historian from Berkeley, has just published a paper with her husband David showing how raising taxes retards growth. Jason Furman, likely to be named as an aide to Mr Summers, outraged unions for his 2005 article, “Wal-Mart: A Progressive Success Story”. One hedge-fund manager who, before the election, was terrified Mr Obama would usher in “confiscatory” tax policies breathed a sigh of relief. “No Robert Reichs,” he said, a reference to the leftish adviser who was Mr Clinton’s labour secretary. “There’s no radicals in the whole cabinet that anyone can find.”

Mr Obama’s backers, in fact, can with some justification feel betrayed by the presence of so many figures from the Clinton regime: Mr Summers and Mr Geithner served at the Treasury then, and Mr Orszag was on the NEC. Moreover, many of them are protégés of Mr Clinton’s second treasury secretary, Robert Rubin, whose star has dimmed considerably as Citigroup, where he has been a senior executive since 1999, has lurched from crisis to catastrophe.

Still, if Mr Obama is going to emulate the economic record of any predecessors, Mr Clinton is not a bad one to pick. Hiring Mr Clinton’s team won’t bring back that era’s steady growth and low unemployment, but it does bring valuable experience of fighting financial crises. Mr Summers and Mr Geithner were deeply involved in dealing with the disasters that befell Mexico, East Asia, Russia and Latin America during that time. Mr Geithner has spent the past 15 months battling the current crisis, though so far with little success.

Their influence helps explain why Mr Obama wants a hefty fiscal stimulus to keep the economy from “falling into a deflationary spiral”. Mr Summers had prominently called for “significant, speedy and sustained” fiscal stimulus. Mr Obama says he has asked his team to come up with a two-year plan to raise employment by 2.5m more than would otherwise be the case. Reports suggest a price tag of $500 billion-$700 billion over two years. The stimulus could include both aid to states, funding for public infrastructure and early implementation of Mr Obama’s promised $1,000-per-family tax-credit. It may also include health-care aid for the poor and uninsured—a down payment on one of Mr Obama’s more costly promises.

Mr Obama’s people will also be more willing to deploy the $700 billion Troubled Asset Relief Programme to prop up the financial system; they may even seek to enlarge it, and pursue some formal powers for taking over failing financial institutions. Other issues they will have to tackle quickly include whether formally to guarantee the debts of the mortgage agencies, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac; a moratorium on mortgage foreclosures; reform of bankruptcy law to permit judges to rewrite mortgage contracts; and reforming the financial regulatory system.

Though impressive enough on paper, it’s less clear how well Mr Obama’s picks will function as a team. The NEC director is traditionally the honest broker of the economic team’s ideas. Given his reputation as an intellectual bully, many wonder whether Mr Summers can play that role. “Larry clearly can’t do that, and it’s a waste of his talents, quite frankly,” says a former colleague. But that may sell Mr Summers short. More than anything else, he relishes a spirited debate with worthy adversaries. One of those is Mr Geithner, who first came to Mr Rubin’s attention by contradicting Mr Summers in a staff meeting. Mr Geithner once described the Rubin Treasury as “an open competition of ideas.” And Mr Summers will have no trouble standing up to Mr Obama’s skull-cracking chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel.

That said, too much competition of ideas can breed chaos, and Mr Obama may have increased the risk by creating yet another body. On November 26th he said Paul Volcker, a former Federal Reserve chairman, would head his new Economic Recovery Advisory Board and Austan Goolsbee, his longest-serving economic adviser, would be its staff director. The board seems to overlap with the three-member Council of Economic Advisers, which vets policy proposals for economic idiocy: Mr Goolsbee will also serve on that council. Might too many economists spoil the recovery?


East Malaysia holds the key for PKR’s takeover bid

>> Sunday, November 30, 2008


29 Nov, 08
From The Edge Dailyby Chua Sue-Ann
SHAH ALAM: Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) is casting their eyes towards Sabah and Sarawak in their bid to takeover the government, promising petrol royalties and greater East Malaysian participation in federal participation.

PKR president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail told the party’s national congress today, “PKR is actively restructuring our operations and forging strong ties with the new generation of Sabahans and Sarawakians to ensure a better victory in the future.”

“We are committed to our promise of returning 20% of petroleum production proceeds in Sabah and Sarawak to the peribumi as well as giving them a more active role in the federal government if we govern the country,” she added. “I am confident that this marks the beginning of a movement for change in Sabah and Sarawak.“We promise an interesting performance at the Sarawak state election that will be held in 2009, god willing,” she said. Revisiting the 12th general elections, Wan Azizah lamented irregularities in the election process and lashed out at Barisan Nasional (BN).

“Today, we see BN component parties in disarray, pointing fingers and clawing among themselves because they have not recovered from the defeats but is still in a state of denial.
Calling the unprecedented election results “the people’s victory”, Wan Azizah said that it was a big moral defeat for the Barisan Nasional government and a result that has altered the landscape of Malaysian politics.

Wan Azizah said that if the Pakatan Rakyat alliance - which also includes DAP and PAS - was successful in capturing Sabah and Sarawak during the elections, they would have “certainly formed the federal government.”The Pakatan Rakyat needs to secure the crossover of at least 30 parliamentarians to form a simple majority and takeover the federal leadership, having won 82 of the 222 seats in the previous elections.

Wan Azizah also slammed the power transition plan from Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to Deputy Prime MInister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.“The transfer of power will not bring any positive change in the breakdown of the country’s main governing institutions such as the judiciary, police force, anti-corruption agency and parliament,” she said. Meanwhile, Ngemah state assemblyman Gabriel Adit urged all PKR members to cooperate in increasing the party’s foothold in Sarawak, warning that BN is not easily defeated in that state.

“BN Sarawak is not weak, let me tell you, we have to strengthen ourselves,” he said. Adit contended on an independent ticket during the previous election and has since joined PKR, bringing with him almost 12,000 new members. PKR claims to have almost half a million members. Between four to five thousand people packed the Malawati Stadium this morning for the second day of PKR’s national congress, which comprised of 1927 registered delegates and 1200 observers.

Today’s session saw the attendance of prominent Pakatan Rakyat leaders, including PAS secretary-general Datuk Kamaruddin Jaafar, DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang, DAP chairman Karpal Singh, Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) leader Datuk Yong Teck Lee. A surprise guest this morning was former minister in the prime minister’s department Datuk Zaid Ibrahim. Selangor chief minister Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim and Perak chief minister Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin were also present. PKR adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was escorted into the stadium at 10.10am by a marching band and was greeted with a standing ovation, chants of “Reformasi” and a flurry of banners.


America and Iraq

>> Saturday, November 29, 2008

Barrack Obama
Well, is it victory or humiliation?

Nov 27th 2008 :
No happy ending, but the final chapter of the Iraq saga remains to be written
AFP WHO would have thought, when John McCain and Barack Obama were going head-to-head on Iraq during America’s election campaign, that the Iraqis would decide for themselves when to sling the Americans out? That, however, is precisely what they did this week when Iraq's government approved a troop-withdrawal agreement which the government of Nuri al-Maliki had spent a year squeezing out of its reluctant American interlocutors.

The agreement under discussion stipulates that American troops will withdraw into their bases by the middle of next year and leave Iraq altogether by the end of 2011. This is, on the face of it, a firm timetable. It contains very few ifs and buts and no clauses that give America the right to linger on uninvited. Iraq, it seems, will not be a home for the permanent military bases that some Americans wanted and many Iraqis feared. And even during the transition America has now promised not to use Iraq as a base from which to attack neighbours such as Syria (which it has raided openly at least once from Iraqi territory) or Iran (which it may also have attacked covertly).

As with every other twist in the Iraqi saga, the meaning of this latest turn is fiercely contested. Does it mark an astonishing American victory, snatched from the jaws of defeat? That case can certainly be made. In 2006 a panel of “wise men”, led by James Baker and Lee Hamilton, told Congress that America was failing in Iraq and had better start to withdraw. Under their plan, the bulk of America’s combat forces would already have gone by now. George Bush defied them, choosing instead to send even more troops. Now—thanks to that “surge” and the Sunnis’ rejection of al-Qaeda—the country is mostly at peace and has a democratically elected government confident enough to send its protectors home. So much for the idea that this was a regime of quislings designed to secure Iraq’s oil for America and serve the superpower’s colonial ambitions.

To Mr Bush’s detractors, by contrast, the withdrawal agreement is no victory, only the final humiliation in a miserable sequence of calamities that flowed from a misbegotten war. On this view, America is agreeing to leave only because its original designs have been comprehensively thwarted and it has no choice. When the troops go home, democracy will strike no lasting roots in the dust of Mesopotamia. Iraq will either collapse back into chaos, return to dictatorship, or fall under the spell and indirect control of Iran, its theocratic neighbour and America’s arch-rival in the Persian Gulf. Less mission accomplished than the mother of all American own-goals.

In truth, neither version is right. Mr Bush’s refusal to cut and run two years ago was indeed a good call, one history may judge to have stopped Iraq’s descent into an ever-blacker hell of sectarian killing and ethnic cleansing. But a prodigious quantity of killing and cleansing had taken place already, and no reader of our briefing this week (see article) could in conscience declare “victory” in a place the American invasion and subsequent civil war ended up laying waste. Iraq remains violent and fractious and its political institutions are weak. It has the potential at any moment to unravel all over again.

And yet to predict that Iraq is therefore destined to collapse into new chaos, or split into Shia, Sunni and Kurdish fragments, or become a satellite of its Persian neighbour, is too pessimistic. Though possible, none of these outcomes is inevitable. Iraq is rich in oil and—if its fugitive middle class starts to drift home—human resources too. Having looked into the abyss, Iraqis know, and are keen to avoid, the dangers of sectarian division. And though Iraq’s Shias are close to Iran, its Shias and Sunnis share an identity as Arabs that may encourage them to resist a Persian takeover of their politics. When America departs, a lot of Iraqis will want Iran to butt out too.
Don’t rule out the possibility of democracy

Something else may change as well. Several of the most disruptive forces in Iraqi politics, such as those of the militant Shia cleric, Muqtada al-Sadr, who wants something close to an Iranian theocracy for Iraq, have built their appeal on the notion of resisting the infidel. When the infidel goes, the resisters will have to put forward a more concrete vision of the sort of Iraq they want. And now that Iraqis have had a taste of multi-party democracy, however brief and imperfect, it remains to be seen which vision they will choose.

From The Economist print edition



>> Friday, November 28, 2008

Keningau Location In Map.
Keningau is a sprawling timber and agricultural town and district located in the Interior Division of Sabah, east Malaysia on the island of Borneo. It is the oldest and largest district in the interior part of Sabah.

The Keningau District has an area of 3532.82 km² (1364 sq mi) and is situated in a valley surrounded by the Crocker Range to the west and the Trus Madi Range to the east and south. The district consists of 43 mukims and 245 villages.[1]

The name Keningau is derived from that of the Javanese cinnamon tree (Cinnamomun burmannii) which is abundant in the area. The tree is also known as 'Kayu Manis' in Malay and it has also been referred to as the 'king of spice'. The bark of this tree was collected by the British North Borneo Company (Syarikat Inggeris Borneo Utara) to be sold as spice.

Keningau used to be one of the most important administration centres of the British in the early 1900s. The Japanese also made use of Keningau as one of its government centres during their occupation of Sabah in World War II.

The village of Nuntunan in Apin-Apin was known as "44" during British rule. This indicated its distance of 44 miles (71 km) from Tenom, another British administration centre. Nuntunan was also known as "Office", because the British had its office by the Sg Apin-Apin riverbank which was later taken over by the Japanese. When the British returned after the surrender of the Japanese, the remaining Japanese soldiers surrendered at Nuntunan. The locals still believe that the Japanese soldiers had hidden some treasures around the village before their retreat, although this claim has never been properly investigated. Nuntunan, a particularly inaccessible locale, is believed to be the place where the Japanese soldiers hid their shotguns or even their gold treasures.

90% of the population in Keningau are Dusuns and Muruts, 8% are Chinese and other indigenous locals.

The breakdown of ethnic groups are:[1]
Dusun - 55,607
Murut - 23,823
Chinese - 9,082
Bajau - 9,009

The actual population of Keningau is however much larger than the recorded figure above, as illegal immigrants from Indonesia and the Philippines form a major component of the district. These illegal immigrants can enter Sabah easily via the open surrounding seas or the porous inland border with Indonesia.

The Keningau township is connected by road through the Kimanis/Papar and Tambunan road from Kota Kinabalu, which is about 138 kilometers in length. Keningau is 67 kilometers from Nabawan, 35 kilometers from Sook and 48 kilometers from Tenom. There is an abandoned airport. There was no Malaysia Airlines flight to Keningau since the 1970's. This is confirmed by the Department Of Civil Aviation. Furthermore, there is no big upgrading of the airport, only the small control Tower. It is high time that Civil Aviation Malaysia put their Air Traffic controllers there , not just an airfield attendant, if there is any! And there is this particular road, called Jalan Menawo Ulu from Jalan Maktab Latihan Dakwah Keningau which is not sealed since the time when Sabah joined Malaysia in 1963.

[edit] References
^ Banci Penduduk 2000, Jabatan Perangkaan Malaysia
Retrieved from ""
Category: Cities, towns and villages in Sabah



November 27, 2008 : 09.27 AM--->

Bakal Presiden UMNO, Datuk Seri Mohd Najib Tun Razak bertekad untuk mengembalikan penguasaan majoriti dua pertiga Barisan Nasional (BN) pada pilihan raya umum akan datang. Serentak dengan itu katanya, UMNO akan berusaha untuk memperkukuhkan parti itu dengan menangani beberapa permasalahan dan kelemahan dalaman bagi mencapai maksud tersebut. “Kami bertekad untuk membuat yang terbaik dan InsyaAllah akan merampas semula majoriti dua pertiga seperti mana yang dinikmati sebelum ini,” ujar beliau dalam temuramah dengan agensi berita AFP di sela-sela Sidang kemuncak APEC di Peru hari Isnin. Selain tekad tersebut, Najib menjelaskan keutamaan yang perlu dilakukan bagi melonjakkan semula imej gabungan parti pemerintah. “Parti perlu disegarkan semula terutama dalam soal imej dan bagaimana masyarakat melihat UMNO dan BN,” katanya Ini adalah kenyataan politik yang dibuat oleh Najib sejak mendapat pencalonan 185 UMNO Bahagian yang bermesyuarat antara Oktober dan November lalu, Berdasarkan pelan peralihan kuasa, Najib akan mengambil alih kepimpinan parti dan kerajaan Mac 2009 selepas tamatnya Perhimpunan Agung UMNO.
Mengenai dakwaan Ketua Pembangkang, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim bahawa pihaknya mempunyai bilangan Ahli Parlimen BN yang akan lompat parti yang mencukupi untuk menumbangkan BN, ini jawapan Najib: “Kebarangkalian lompat parti secara beramai-ramai kini makin terpencil, kami akan terus memegang tampuk kuasa sehingga pilihan raya akan datang dan mendapatkan semula mandat daripada rakyat”. Sementara itu Bernama melaporkan dari Peru, Najib sebagai berkata, UMNO akan mengambil beberapa langkah lagi untuk membanteras politik wang dan ia mesti diperjuangkan secara menyeluruh.
Bagaimanapun, secara realistiknya gejala itu tidak boleh dibanteras dalam masa terdekat, dan perlu ditunjangi oleh kekuatan politik serta komitmen yang kuat, katanya apabila diminta mengulas kenyataan bekas Presiden UMNO, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang menyatakan gejala politik wang masih menghantui UMNO walaupun apabila Najib mengambil alih kepimpinan parti. Beliau berkata demikian kepada pemberita Malaysia selepas menghadiri hari terakhir Sidang Kemuncak Kerjasama Ekonomi Asia Pasifik (Apec) di sini Ahad. Najib, yang juga
Timbalan Perdana Menteri berkata, usaha membanteras politik wang perlu “ditunjangi oleh kekuatan politik serta komitmen yang kuat dengan apa cara yang boleh kita dilakukan.” Usaha untuk membanteras gejala itu adalah satu proses yang membabitkan satu tempoh masa yang tertentu, katanya. “Sebab masa Tun Dr Mahathir pun, ia juga memperjuangkan usaha untuk menghapuskan politik wang dan bila ia tamat sebagai Perdana Menteri dan sebagai Presiden Umno, beliau telah menyatakan kekecewaannya kerana gagal untuk membanteras gejala itu.” – 24/11/2008


Umno kalah teruk pilihan raya akan datang - Dr M

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

KUALA LUMPUR, 26 Nov (Hrkh) - Bekas Perdana Menteri, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad meramalkan Umno akan kalah teruk dalam pilihan raya umum akan datang.

"Ramalan saya ialah Umno akan kalah teruk pada pilihan raya umum ke-13. Mendapat sokongan daripada parti (melalui rasuah) tidak akan menjamin kemenangan dalam pilihanraya umum.

"Yang memberi kemenangan kepada calon-calon Umno dahulu ialah undi ahli bersama dengan penyokong luar, penyokong bukan Umno. Jangan fikir hanya dengan undi ahli Umno sahaja kemenangan akan diperolehi.

"Dalam pilihanraya umum ke-12 ramai ahli Umno pun tidak undi calon BN (Barisan Nasional). Dan amat ramai daripada penyokong-penyokong (bukan ahli) Umno yang undi parti lawan. Itulah yang memberi keputusan yang buruk bagi BN dalam pilihanraya umum ke-12," katanya. Beliau mengingatkan, kelebihan undi bagi calon Umno yang menang tidak sebesar dahulu. "Jika hanya separuh lebih sedikit daripada kelebihan kecil ini berpaling tadah dan mengundi parti lawan Umno akan kalah dimana dahulu ia menang," katanya.

Beliau mendedahkan, "orang yang terkenal menyogok wang untuk jadi pemimpin Umno, jika mereka dipilih akan menyebabkan Umno ditolak dalam pilihan raya umum". "Rakyat tahu siapa mereka walaupun sukar bagi mendapat bukti yang mereka ini adalah perasuah," katanya. Mengkhianati bangsa Beliau juga memberi amaran yang keras kepada perwakilan-perwakilan Umno yang memilih pemimpin yang menyogok mereka.

"Perwakilan Umno yang menerima sogokan dan memilih orang yang dikenali sebagai perasuah, harus ingat apabila mereka memilih orang ini, mereka sebenarnya mengkhianati bangsa, agama dan negara hanya kerana sedikit wang yang akan habis dibelanjakan dalam sekelip mata. "Kamu dan zuriat kamu akan dikutuk oleh bangsa kamu tiap kali mereka menderita kerana kamu telah jual bangsa dan negara kamu untuk sedikit wang," kata bekas Presiden Umno itu. Dr Mahathir juga mempersoalkan kenyataan Timbalan Presiden Umno, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak yang berkata usaha membanteras gejala politik wang dalam Umno adalah satu proses yang memerlukan keazaman politik dan secara realistiknya tidak dapat diselesaikan dalam tempoh terdekat.

"Semasa dia (Dr Mahathir) tamat sebagai Perdana Menteri dan Presiden Umno, dia menyatakan kekecewaannya kerana gagal membanteras politik wang," kata Najib. Mengulas kenyataan Najib itu, Dr Mahathir berkata, beliau bersetuju dengan pendapat Najib bahawa usaha membanteras politik wang perlu keazaman politik. Bagaimanapun, Dr Mahathir mempersoalkan: "Keazaman politik siapa? Apakah keazaman politik mereka yang ingin dicalonkan dan sudah hulur wang sogokan?" Beliau juga mempersoalkan, apakah keazaman pemimpin Umno untuk melihat parti itu bersih daripada politik kotor.

"Jika pemimpin yang perlu banteras, yang mana satukah pemimpin yang perlu berazam; pemimpin cawangankah, bahagian, Majlis Kerja Tertinggi atau Presiden parti?" soal beliau. Laporan polis ke atas Najib. Walaupun Dr Mahathir mengakui rasuah berlaku ketika beliau menerajui Umno, tetapi beliau menyifatkannya tidak seburuk rasuah politik di dalam Umno pada masa ini. "Ya, memang pun semasa saya dahulu sudah ada politik wang.

"Tetapi peristiwa sogokan secara terbuka dan besar-besaran sehingga ramai dalam masyarakat pandang jijik akan politik Umno tidak berlaku dahulu. "Tidak pernah terjadi yang Presiden parti didakwa terlibat dengan politik wang melalui laporan kepada polis dan Badan Pencegah Rasuah (BPR)," katanya. 4 September lalu, bekas exco Pemuda Umno, Datuk Mazlan Harun membuat laporan kedua kepada (BPR) berhubung dakwaan rasuah membabitkan Presiden Umno, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi dan Najib sendiri.

Menjelaskan lebih lanjut tentang betapa buruknya rasuah politik di dalam Umno hari ini, Dr Mahathir berkata, tidak pernah Lembaga Disiplin parti itu menerima sehingga 900 laporan berkenaan politik wang.

"Tidak pernah BPR terima banyak laporan rasuah untuk pencalonan bagi jawatan dalam Umno," katanya. Dr Mahathir mengingatkan, "membuat alasan bahawa dulu pun ada rasuah tidak menghalalkan rasuah sekarang, terutamanya rasuah terbuka dan besar-besaran". Beliau seterusnya mengingatkan, hari ini di mana-mana juga rakyat bercakap tentang rasuah dalam pencalonan kepimpinan Umno. "Dahulu rakyat/pengundi tidak anggap Umno sebagai parti pimpinan perasuah seperti hari ini," katanya._
Oleh: Abdul Aziz Mustafa; Harakah Daily


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